Mexican American Studies & Research Center Publications
Perspectives in Mexican American Studies, Volume 6
Introduction
This edition of Perspectives
in Mexican American Studies focuses on identity, culture, and
politics. Although these themes are identified separately in this
introduction, their discussion in the selections that make up
this issue of Perspectives are by no means always separate
and distinct. Often, they are discussed concomitantly because
they overlap or are inextricably linked.
Two major
foci of the Chicana/o Movement in the 1960s and 1970s were
culture and identity. El Movimiento was, of course, highly
political as well. One of the critical elements for Chicanas/os
was the development of a unique identity that would articulate
the goals and aspirations of the movement, and challenge the
prevailing assimilationist ideology. In "Constructing the
Chicano Movement: Synthesis of a Militant Ethos," Ignacio
García describes the stages it went through as people within the
Movement worked toward their goals. The ethos and these stages,
which embodied specific characteristics, propelled the movement
and fundamentally changed the way Mexican Americans perceived
themselves. In reviewing the historiography of the Chicana/o
Movement, García challenges some of the prevailing
interpretations, and calls upon researchers and scholars to study
El Movimiento as a social process, rather than a series of
events.
Educational
reform, especially at the college and university level, was also
at the heart of the Chicano Movement. As a result of student and
community activism, the 1960s and 1970s witnessed a burgeoning
number of programs and centers. A failing economy, the prolonged
recession it triggered, and a growing conservative backlash in
the 1980s and 1990s resulted in many programs being scaled back
or eliminated. This threat to the hard-won gains made by
Chicanas/os resulted in renewed efforts to reconstitute
departments and programs on campuses. In "Chicano Movement
Chicano Studies: Social Science and Self-Conscious
Ideology," Raoul Contreras surveys the events that took
place at UCLA in 1993, when students and their supporters
demanded the establishment of a Chicano Studies department. The
central focus of his essay is a theoretical analysis of the
exogenous and ideological forces that propelled supporters and
opponents involved in the controversy.
Armando
Navarro traces developments and changes in the Chicano Movement
between 1975 and 1996 in "The Post Mortem Politics of the
Chicano Movement: 1975-1996." In the process he delineates
the forces that have eroded the militancy and altered the focus
of the Movement. In the first phase, which he terms the "Viva
Yo" stage, the movement became moribund because of the
growth of neo-conservatism, the decline of the civil rights
struggle, the power struggles and divisions extant within the
movement itself, and because of the external forces that had
propelled and united it in the 1960s were no longer present. The
result was the emergence of a generation of leaders who were more
moderate to conservative in their outlook and politics.
Increasingly this return to mainstream assimilationist goals
among the Viva Yo generation was, in part, reflected in their
growing acceptance of the term "Hispanic" to identify
themselves. The need to assuage different constituencies in order
to be elected led them to turn more to ballot box politics rather
than protest and confrontation. In a related vein, this group was
not immune to the nativism and racism that characterized the
1980s and 1990s. This resulted in a turn on their part to the
second phase, which Navarro terms the "politics of
scapegoating." In this stage, Hispanics blamed the problems
of their group and of the United States on immigrants. The
consequences and impact of this second stage on the movement are
further delineated in his essay. Navarro concludes by suggesting
strategies for building a new movement.
Immigration
re-emerged in the 1980s and 1990s as a major issue that created
problems and challenges for Chicana/o and Hispanic elected
officials. The dilemmas they faced in addressing the needs of
differing constituencies, and the impact that controversial
issues have on their politics and actions are delineated in the
essay, "Divided We Stand, United We Fall: Latinos and
Immigration Policy," by David M. Hernández. The debate,
strategies, and policies of the immigration question have plagued
the efforts of Latinos and Latinas to respond to the
anti-immigrant attitudes and legislation that have emerged in the
past few years. But as Hernández points out, the attacks
emanating from the anti-immigrant forces have not always proved
divisive for Latinas/os. For example, the controversial
Proposition 187 galvanized political activism among them. He
argues that much of the resurgent Latina/o political activism has
been built on the Latino pro-immigrants infrastructure that
emerged to counter the activities of the anti-immigrant forces.
Nonetheless, the widespread immigrant bashing has blurred the
lines between legal and undocumented immigration. This has
seriously divided Latinos themselves, hindering political
efforts. Hernándezs essay analyzes the effects of this
contradictory, divisive, and perilous dilemma.
Too often,
the debate over immigration becomes mired in rhetoric, losing
site of the human dimension. Critics of immigration rely on heavy
handed and inaccurate stereotypes to bolster their arguments and
campaigns. A major outcome of the immigrant bashing has been the
tendency to dehumanize the immigrants themselves. This often
creates an environment that is intolerant to their presence, and
indifferent to their human and civil rights. Such was the case in
Arizona in 1976, when three undocumented immigrants were captured
and brutalized by a local rancher and his sons. The events
leading up to their capture and torture, and the indictments and
trial that followed are described by Christine Marín in
"They Sought Work and Found Hell: The Hanigan Case of
Arizona." In relating the events Marín also presents the
dilemmas and problems that the case created for Hispanic
politicians, and how it polarized the community. In essence, the
trial focused national and international attention on the
situation along the border, and profoundly affected the
politicians and civil rights organizations that the trial
touched. This case study ably demonstrates the dilemmas and
consequences that the issue of immigration imposes on
organizations and politicians that Hernández and Navarro allude
to in their essays.
In "The
Hispano Homeland Debate: New Lessons," Philip B. Gonzales
revisits the theoretical and scholarly debate over culture and
identity in New Mexico. The main issue in this controversy is
whether the identity and culture of New Mexicans is unique and
distinct when compared to other Hispanics in the Southwest. One
school of thought holds that social, geographic, and historic
elements created a uniquely Mexican American culture in northern
New Mexico. Opponents of this argue that this leads to misleading
stereotypes and incorrect assumptions about the identity and make
up of Mexican Americans. At issue in this debate is the question
of ethnic identity, the purposes it serves, and the forces and
ideas that help shape and define it. After outlining the main
currents of this debate, Gonzales offers an analysis and critique
of each of the major viewpoints. Given the complex and dynamic
nature of this question, Gonzales believes the discussion should
be placed within a broader social, political, and historical
context.
In
"Power, Borders, and Identity Formation: Understanding the
World of Chicana/o Students" Marc Pizarro reviews the
literature on identity, and proposes methods and frameworks that
will further understanding of the forces that shape identity
among Mexican Americans. Just as in the incident involving the
Hanigans, where power, ethnicity, and intolerance played major
roles in the events and actions that transpired on that hot
August day along the U.S.-Mexican border, so do these elements
factor into the experiences that profoundly influenced the
identity of the students interviewed by Pizarro. For those
students, racial confrontations and discrimination played
important roles in the formation of their identity. He concludes
that ethnicity and the power relationships that these students
experienced were at the core of how they perceived and identified
themselves.
In his essay
on film, Mario Barrera looks at another powerful force affecting
the identity of Latinos and Latinas. In "Missing the Myth:
What Gets Left Out of Latino Film Analysis," he discusses
the key differences between film makers and film analysts in how
they gauge a movies impact. According to Barrera, film
makers focus on how effective they were in reaching the audience,
while academic analysts examine the political and ideological
elements of a film. This often results in completely differing
perspectives and interpretations about the film itself. It is
therefore important for film scholars to understand the
perspective of the film maker, the core myths and story paradigms
that are common to many feature films, and the constraints that
film makers operate under. To Barrera, American feature films are
basically mythic in nature. The use of these popular myths, which
are rooted in the Western cultural tradition, are intended to
appeal to the values of the audience. Thus, in addition to
ideological analyses, academics must add considerations about the
mythic and dramatic dimensions to their appraisals and
discussions of feature films. In discussing La Bamba, Born
in East L.A., and El Norte in this context, Barrera
speaks to the issues of politics, identity, and transculturation
in each of the main characters in these films.
"Chicanos
in the Northwestern and Midwestern United States: A History of
Cultural and Political Commonality," by Daniel Estrada and
Richard Santillán, is a broad survey about the organizing
efforts of Mexican Americans in these two regions. Their essay
begins by providing a brief overview of the arrival of Mexicans
and Mexican Americans in the Midwest and Pacific Northwest before
the Great Depression. They then discuss how the depression of the
1930s, the Second World War, and the Chicano Movement that
followed exercised a profound influence on the communities that
developed in these regions. The remainder of the essay describes
the plethora of organizations that have emerged there to deal
with the diverse and vexing issues that affect people of Mexican
descent. It is evident that these organizations have served the
community in a variety of ways, thus dispelling the notion that
Mexican Americans have been passive in dealing with their own
needs. Central to these organizing efforts has been the goal to
forge and reinforce a positive identity among Mexican Americans
and other Hispanics. Another important element in describing the
history and political behavior extant in these communities has
been the central role played by women. The authors conclude their
study by calling for more research on political organizing and
activism in the Midwest and Pacific Northwest.
Our thanks
to the authors for their thoughtful and provocative essays. Their
work and patience made this volume possible. Our gratitude also
to Professor Adela de la Torre, director of the Mexican American
Studies & Research Center, and to Holly M. Smith, dean of the
College of Social and Behavioral Sciences at the University of
Arizona, for their continued support of this publication.
Juan R.
García & Thomas Gelsinon, Co-Editors
August 1997
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